Healthcare Costs Archives - 吃瓜不打烊 /topics/health-care-costs/ 吃瓜不打烊 produces in-depth journalism on health issues and is a core operating program of KFF. Fri, 24 Jul 2026 22:17:20 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.8.6 /wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/04/kffhealthnews-icon.png?w=32 Healthcare Costs Archives - 吃瓜不打烊 /topics/health-care-costs/ 32 32 161476233 Journalists Assess Risks of Tick Bites, Wildfire Smoke, Rising Health Costs /on-air/on-air-july-25-2026-aca-tick-bites-wildfire-smoke-health-costs/ Sat, 25 Jul 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2264757&preview=true&preview_id=2264757

吃瓜不打烊 senior correspondent Julie Appleby discussed the affordability of Affordable Care Act health insurance plans on Connecticut Public’s The Wheelhouse on July 22.

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Céline Gounder, 吃瓜不打烊’ editor-at-large for public health, discussed tick bites on CBS’ CBS Mornings on July 20. She also discussed wildfire smoke and severe heat on CBS’ The Daily Report on July 16.

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吃瓜不打烊 senior correspondent Renuka Rayasam discussed the effects of soaring health costs in Georgia on WUGA’s聽The Georgia Health Report on July 17.


吃瓜不打烊 is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 吃瓜不打烊 and is republished here under a .

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To Afford Aging in Place, Older Adults Turn to 鈥楪olden Girls鈥 Housing /aging/golden-girls-home-sharing-older-adults-colorado-pennsylvania/ Fri, 24 Jul 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2255473 Shirley Jennett, a retired nurse, loves her spacious ranch-style house in Denver, with its big backyard and gazebo.

“I want to stay here,” she vowed. “And die here.”

She might pull that off. In relatively good health, Jennett still drives to lunch with friends, does her own housekeeping and grocery shopping, and plows through a book a day, usually a mystery. But her children worry about her living alone at 89, especially after she has had a couple of falls.

Enter her new housemate, Susan Beese. Despite working four days a week in retail, Beese could no longer afford her nearby one-bedroom apartment as the rent topped $1,500 a month. She moved out, first staying with friends and then in what she delicately called “a senior women’s facility.”

Now Beese, who is 79, pays Jennett $800 monthly for a bright two-bedroom space, with a bath and a kitchen, on the lower level of her house. As part of the agreement the housemates worked out, she helps plant and water Jennett’s garden, takes out the trash, and cooks occasional meals.

“It’s been a lifesaver,” Beese said. Jennett even welcomed her dog.

Meet the real-life Golden Girls. In the  1980s sitcom, still in perpetual reruns, the four wisecracking women who share a house in Miami met through an ad on a supermarket bulletin board.

In Denver, the housing matchmaker was Sunshine Home Share Colorado, a local nonprofit that Alison Joucovsky, a senior services administrator, founded in 2016 when the problem became urgent. “My phone was ringing off the hook,” she said, recalling anxious pleas from older residents spending most of their Social Security checks on rising rent or facing years-long waiting lists for subsidized senior housing.

Home sharing “is a really efficient way to create affordable housing and to support older people ,” Joucovsky said. Carefully vetting both “home providers,” who may be rattling around in family houses now too big and too empty, and “home sharers” seeking reasonable rents, Sunshine facilitated 31 shares last year, a record for the nonprofit.

“The cost of developing and building new housing is astronomical, and so is the length of time it takes,” said Laura Fanucchi, president of the National Shared Housing Resource Center and an administrator with HIP Housing, a home-share organization in San Mateo County, California. “Why not make use of existing housing stock?”

About  offer these services 鈥 and demand is growing, driven by housing shortages, rising rents, and sales prices that affect both the old and the young. Legislators in several states are working to promote home sharing as an option. (Personal care is not part of these arrangements.)

The need is acute. About a third of households headed by someone 65 or older were “cost-burdened” in 2024, according to  by the Harvard Joint Center for Housing Studies. That means they spent more than 30% of their income on housing.

Although nearly 80% of those people were homeowners, the center found, an increasing proportion are still paying off mortgages or home equity loans, and most contend with higher taxes, utility and maintenance costs, and insurance premiums.

“A lot of the people calling me to complain about property taxes and inflation are senior citizens on fixed incomes whose children have left, and maybe their spouse has died,” said Pennsylvania state Rep. Abby Major, a Republican co-sponsor of a bill that would facilitate home sharing. “They’re a single older adult living in a four-bedroom house.”

Yet most don’t want to relocate. Even if they do, many older adults will find that downsizing has also  as home prices rise and very low interest rates become a memory.

Younger people are similarly cost-burdened, including 37% of those age 25 to 34 and 31% of those 35 to 44, the Joint Center has reported.  both older homeowners who need income and people of any age in search of lower-cost housing.

To help increase their reach, some home-share programs now supplement or replace the traditionally labor-intensive matching process with online platforms. (For-profit companies like Nesterly or roommates.com also facilitate shared housing.)

“It’s like online dating, except that people who have rooms can meet people who need rooms,” said Candice Smith, executive director of HomeShare Oregon. “And it’s a lot more secure.” HomeShare’s online platform has drawn close to 7,000 providers and seekers over five years.

Further support has come from the city of Portland, which this year announced  to pay $1,000 to homeowners who make a spare room available (or $1,500 for two rooms) through qualified home-share programs.

In addition, legislators in several states have introduced or passed bills that prohibit municipalities from unduly restricting homeowners who want to rent spare rooms to nonfamily members. Sponsors in Pennsylvania and Connecticut actually call them Golden Girls bills, and they’ve drawn bipartisan support.

“So many young people have basically given up on buying a home,” said Colorado state Rep. Manny Rutinel. The Democrat helped pass  prohibiting cities and counties from limiting the number of unrelated people who could live together in a single dwelling.

In Pennsylvania, state Rep. Tarik Khan steered  through the House in June; it awaits a Senate vote. “It doesn’t make sense that your cousin can move in but someone unrelated to you can’t,” said Khan, a Democrat.

The Pennsylvania bill caps the number of nonfamily occupants in a home at five; Connecticut’s limit would be three.  passed the Senate in April and then died without a vote in the House. But the bill sponsors plan to reintroduce it next session.

Home sharing can’t solve the housing crisis, its fans acknowledge. But it could make a dent, potentially unlocking thousands of spare bedrooms across the country without requiring new construction that would change the character of neighborhoods.

Admittedly, matching homeowners with those who want to rent a room becomes a delicate process. Home-share staff members typically interview the individual parties, run background checks, verify incomes, coordinate initial phone calls and meetings, and mediate if problems later arise.

They also help applicants sift through the myriad lifestyle preferences that can torpedo a match. “Living together isn’t easy,” Fanucchi said. Will the home provider accept smokers, pets, visitors? Does the sharer work from home? Or need to park a car? Who sets the thermostat?

Sometimes the agreement includes a “service exchange,” in which the newcomer does a few hours of chores like snow shoveling, shopping, or some meal preparation in return for reduced rent.

Jenlyn and Larry Boyer, for instance, have lived in their ranch house in suburban Broomfield, Colorado, for 31 years and never want to leave. But Jenlyn, who is 80, has “gotten unsteady” and uses a walker. Her husband, 70, suffers chronic fibromyalgia pain and needs a wheelchair.

Because they now pay for tasks that they used to undertake themselves, and because inflation has undermined their finances, “I had an epiphany,” Jenlyn said. “We need more help and we need more money.”

Six months ago, through Sunshine Home Share, they met a 46-year-old graduate student whose monthly rent had doubled to an unmanageable $2,000.

The student moved into their furnished downstairs bedroom/family room with a bathroom, a small refrigerator, and a microwave. In exchange for about 10 hours of dishwashing a month, she pays a reduced rent of $600.

The additional income has helped the Boyers cover expenses like van repairs and wheelchair batteries. But they also enjoy chatting with their new housemate.

“She turns out to be just a gem,” Jenlyn said. “We laugh together a lot.”

The New Old Age is produced through a partnership with .

吃瓜不打烊 is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 吃瓜不打烊 and is republished here under a .

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Watch: GOP Senator Says Trump鈥檚 Tariffs Could Mean Safer Drugs 鈥 For a Price /health-industry/bill-cassidy-interview-senate-trump-tariffs-drug-prices-rfk-promises/ Fri, 24 Jul 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2263419&preview=true&preview_id=2263419 President Donald Trump’s proposed tariffs on imported generic drugs could raise some prices for patients, a key GOP lawmaker on health issues said this week. But he said that’s a potentially worthwhile trade-off to protect the nation’s drug supply.

“The national security might be something worth paying for,” Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, chairman of the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee, said July 22 in an exclusive interview with 吃瓜不打烊.

The U.S., which has grappled with drug shortages in recent years, relies primarily on China to produce the active ingredients in many antibiotics, according to in JAMA Health Forum. Domestic facilities have closed or shifted to producing other drugs.

“Do we want China to have that sort of leverage for these drugs to be produced principally, maybe 99%, over there, and we don’t have access to them if tension rises between the two countries?” said Cassidy, who is a physician.

On July 21, Trump said in a that he would give generic drug companies two years to move production back to the U.S., after which he would impose 100% tariffs on imported products, rising to 200% the following year. Generic drugs make up an estimated 90% of all prescriptions filled in the U.S.

Cassidy, who has served in Congress , lost his bid for reelection in May after Trump endorsed a Republican primary challenger, Rep. Julia Letlow.

Last month, more than 16 months after his vote to confirm Robert F. Kennedy Jr. as head of the Department of Health and Human Services, on CBS News’ Face the Nation that the secretary broke promises he made to the senator, including that he would not change the federal recommendations for childhood vaccines.

Asked whether he would summon Kennedy again to discuss those promises, Cassidy said he had asked for him to appear before his committee but had not heard back about whether he would do so. Kennedy in April to discuss the Trump administration’s fiscal 2027 budget request for HHS.

Cassidy told 吃瓜不打烊 that when he agreed to vote to advance Kennedy’s nomination, he trusted that Kennedy would keep his word about not disparaging vaccines.

“If they agree to guardrails and disregard those guardrails, you can judge me,” Cassidy said. “You may decide my judgment wasn’t very good, but I don’t think you can say I acted in bad faith.”

Regardless, Cassidy added, Kennedy was going to exert influence in the administration, and he thought it would be better for Kennedy to be in an official post, where his work would be subject to oversight.

“I’m pretty sure that RFK was going to have the president’s ear whether he was in office or not,” he said.

While Kennedy’s efforts to roll back federal vaccine recommendations are being blocked by courts, this week reported that the number of measles cases confirmed in the U.S. so far in 2026 has exceeded the total for 2025 鈥 making it the highest number of cases in 35 years.

Cassidy, a principal author of the 2020 No Surprises Act targeting surprise medical bills, also said he doesn’t think Congress needs to make modifications to the law in the wake of reports that doctors and other healthcare providers are winning huge payouts under the arbitration system the law created. The No Surprises Act was intended to shield patients from receiving big bills for receiving medical care they didn’t know was outside their health plan’s network.

An analysis by this week found that providers were awarded nearly $15 billion in disputed claims in 2025, more than triple the 2024 figure of $4.08 billion.

“The initial step to make sure that people are getting their best deal is price transparency,” Cassidy said.

The HELP Committee on July 22 overwhelmingly approved advancing the Patients Deserve Price Tags Act, a bipartisan bill that would further expand the requirements that hospitals, insurers, and other healthcare providers make prices public and available to patients and employers. A House committee advanced a similar bill this week, also with bipartisan support, but it remains unclear whether either measure will be approved by the full House and Senate.

The interview 鈥 in which Cassidy also discussed his 鈥 was part of the “How Would You Fix It?” series featuring Julie Rovner, 吃瓜不打烊’ chief Washington correspondent and host of the What the Health? podcast.

An abbreviated version of this interview aired July 23 in Episode 456 of What the Health? From 吃瓜不打烊: “A Shrinking Safety Net.”

吃瓜不打烊 is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 吃瓜不打烊 and is republished here under a .

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Watch: 鈥楻obust鈥 Primary Care, Transparency Top Employers鈥 Reform Wish List /health-industry/employer-health-insurance-elizabeth-mitchell-interview-pbgh/ Fri, 17 Jul 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2260183 In this “How Would You Fix It?” interview, Julie Rovner, 吃瓜不打烊’ chief Washington correspondent and host of the What the Health? podcast, sat down with Elizabeth Mitchell, the president and CEO of the Purchaser Business Group on Health, which represents many large employers and other institutional buyers of healthcare coverage.

Mitchell noted that employers, which offer coverage to more than 160 million Americans, are a big player in the nation’s healthcare system 鈥 a role they came into because of “an accident of history,” she said.

“They weren’t looking to get into the healthcare business,” she continued, but “they were looking for alternatives to wages when there were limits on what they could offer, and they started with what was a pretty inexpensive offering 鈥 helping pay for hospital care 鈥 and that has now grown to be the second-largest line item in their budgets after payroll.”

Rovner and Mitchell discussed the fact that while large employers do have market power, the rest of the healthcare system banded together in response.

“There’s been this arms race of consolidation, meaning that even the largest employers in the world are smaller and don’t have the leverage many times,” Mitchell said.

Asked to identify the systemic changes large employers would like to see, Mitchell pointed to boosting primary care and referring patients to high-quality specialists. She said changes to business policies 鈥 in particular, banning anti-competitive practices and increasing price transparency 鈥 would help, too.

“We have a very real affordability crisis,” she said.

An abbreviated version of this interview aired July 16 during Episode 455 of What the Health? From 吃瓜不打烊: “States Start Their Medicaid Cuts.”

吃瓜不打烊 is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 吃瓜不打烊 and is republished here under a .

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Insurers Hedge on Trump-Backed Pledge To Improve Denials Process /insurance/prior-authorization-insurance-denials-reform-pledge-year-later/ Fri, 17 Jul 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2261522 One year after the Trump administration announced that dozens of health insurers had signed promising to reduce barriers to doctor-recommended care, some insurers now say they won’t implement all the promised initiatives.

Meanwhile, patients, their advocates, and clinicians say little has improved.

“It has never been this bad for patients,” said U.S. Rep. Greg Murphy (R-N.C.), a physician who co-chairs the GOP Doctors Caucus.

The overarching intent of the June 2025 pledge was to improve a controversial process called prior authorization, which regularly requires patients or someone on their medical team to seek approval from insurers before proceeding with treatment.

According to AHIP, the health insurance industry trade group, health plans have eliminated 6.5 million prior authorizations for patients 鈥 equal to an 11% reduction 鈥 since the announcement.

But critics remain skeptical. Sally Nix, a patient advocate who has a chronic disease, described the voluntary pledge as “performative.” And Murphy, who participated in the news conference with Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. announcing the pledge last year, said it has “no teeth.”

Voluntary insurer pledges rarely make things better for patients, said , a research professor at the Center on Health Insurance Reforms at Georgetown University.

“In the absence of clear rules, policies, standards, and mandates,” she said, insurance companies are “going to do what makes sense for them to do financially.”

The Department of Health and Human Services did not respond to questions for this report. It isn’t clear how, or whether, the Trump administration is holding insurers accountable.

鈥榋ero Faith’

Prior authorization 鈥 sometimes called preauthorization or precertification 鈥 has been around for decades. The insurance industry has long argued that the practice, which varies by company, helps control costs, reduces waste and fraud, and prevents potential harm to patients. It’s regularly invoked for a huge swath of services, ranging from low-cost urgent care to expensive cancer treatment.

“Prior authorization is a vital patient safeguard,” said Chris Bond, a spokesperson for AHIP.

The 2024 killing of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson sparked a national groundswell of anger about insurance denials, with patients and doctors becoming increasingly vocal about the tactics they say insurance companies use to boost profits at the expense of care.

Prior authorization reform is one of the rare healthcare issues Democrats and Republicans tend to agree on. On July 15, the House Ways and Means Committee unanimously that would force Medicare Advantage plans to provide to the federal government a list of all items and services that are subject to prior authorization, and to report data about denials and grievances, among other requirements.

Last year’s industry pledge was organized as a direct response to public anger, Mehmet Oz, administrator of the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, said when it was announced. “There’s violence in the streets over these issues,” he said.

“Americans are upset about it,” Oz said, later adding, “I’m looking forward to seeing the results.”

Mike Gartner, founder of Health Access Innovation, an organization that helps patients overturn insurance denials, said he doubts that insurance companies are changing their policies in meaningful ways. The 11% reduction in prior authorization cited by AHIP “hides a lot of nuance,” Gartner said.

Patients who need the costliest services, such as cancer treatment, are still being disproportionately denied access to doctor-recommended care, he said.

AHIP said its data included reductions in prior authorization for medical services, not prescription medicines. The trade group didn’t provide details explaining which services have been dropped from prior authorization or how those reductions differ across individual insurers.

Last year, Oz said the federal government would be “evaluating progress” toward the pledge and “driving accountability,” and he foreshadowed “public dashboards.” But no such dashboards exist, and federal officials did not respond to questions about how they’re holding companies accountable.

Murphy, the North Carolina congressman, said he has “zero faith” in the industry policing itself.

He didn’t believe insurance companies then, he said, “and I don’t believe them now.”

鈥楢t War’ With an Insurer

In February, days after Betsy Adler and Justin Young’s daughter Coco was born with a serious heart defect, the Stillwater, Minnesota, family received paperwork showing they were racking up out-of-network costs.

During Adler’s pregnancy, the family had switched insurers, , which is based in Minnetonka, Minnesota, and one of that initially signed the industry pledge. Adler said she’d checked with her employer’s human resources department and on Medica’s website to make sure her maternal-fetal specialists and hospital were in-network before their new health plan went into effect earlier this year.

But then, the insurance company started processing some claims as out-of-network. By mid-March, the family had accrued more than $4,000 in out-of-network charges, on top of more than $3,000 for in-network bills. And the bills kept coming.

A mother holds her baby daughter. The daughter has a feeding tube in her nose as well as a tube in her mouth.
Shortly after Betsy Adler’s daughter Coco was born with a serious heart defect, she started receiving estimates showing her family could owe thousands of dollars in out鈥搊f-network costs. (Justin Young)
Betsy Adler pets her daughter's forehead. Her daughter is in a hospital bed.
Adler had switched insurers to Medica during her pregnancy and said she was assured that her care would be covered at in-network rates. (Justin Young)

When Adler, a psychotherapist, called to figure out what was going on, she said, an insurance company representative said she hadn’t submitted a referral from her primary care provider beforehand. Attempts to fix the problem went nowhere. At one point, Adler said, Medica required her to visit a clinic she’d never been to before to obtain a referral. But she said a Medica representative told her the referral was never received, because the insurer’s fax machine was down.

“I have a critically ill child,” Adler remembered thinking shortly after Coco was discharged from the cardiovascular intensive care unit. “I can either spend my emotional energy at war with Medica, or I can let it go and just enjoy my time with my daughter.”

Medica spokesperson Greg Bury said he wouldn’t discuss the case, citing patient privacy rules. In an emailed statement, he wrote the company is “committed to working with her to ensure she understands what is covered under her benefits and our responsibilities.”

One of six specific promises all insurers made when they signed the pledge was to honor a 90-day grace period when patients switch insurance plans, starting Jan. 1 of this year. Often called “continuity of care,” this grace period allows patients to temporarily continue receiving services and medications that were authorized under a previous insurer.

But that applies only in some circumstances, Georgetown’s Corlette said. The wording of the pledge suggests that insurance companies aren’t obligated to honor another company’s network parameters. When Adler and Young switched insurers, for example, Medica was not obligated to cover the cost of out-of-network providers as if they were in-network, even though they were in-network under the family’s old plan.

Adler and Young switched insurance companies again when Coco was a month old, to avoid accruing more out-of-network costs.

Denial After Approval

A photo of a woman seated with a dog.
Sally Nix with her service dog, Jon Snow, at home in Statesville, North Carolina. Nix, a patient advocate, recently had her health insurer process, then later deny, a claim for injections to relieve her chronic nerve pain. She’s skeptical about industry promises to reform the health insurance denial process. (Logan Cyrus for 吃瓜不打烊)

The percentages cited by AHIP don’t tell the whole story, said Nix, the patient advocate. Insurers are “not including the data for the loopholes they create,” she said.

For example, nothing in the pledge prevents insurance companies from retroactively denying payment, even when care is preapproved. “Patients are going to see a lot more retroactive denials,” said Nix, who recently had her insurer process, then later deny, a claim for injections to relieve her nerve pain.

Something similar recently happened to Jocelyn Austin, 49, of Amherst, New York. Over the course of nearly 20 years, she developed an addiction to sleeping and anxiety pills prescribed to her by a doctor. Last year, she spent weeks at an inpatient treatment center for substance abuse. Her insurer, Independent Health, had approved the admission. Austin said she has been substance-free since her discharge.

But the facility sent her a bill for more than $12,000 in December showing her insurer had not paid for the treatment she received, according to documents Austin shared with 吃瓜不打烊. This was in addition to the $10,000 she paid at the beginning of her treatment to satisfy her out-of-network deductible. The approval letters from Independent Health had specified that “authorization is not a guarantee of claim payment.”

Frank Sava, a spokesperson for Independent Health, said a denial was issued and upheld in this case because the services provided “were inconsistent with the care that was authorized” and “the medical record did not sufficiently support what was billed.” He said those findings were reviewed and confirmed by an outside consultant.

An explanation of benefits issued by the insurer last summer indicated the “provider,” not the patient, was responsible for the cost of her treatment. And yet the treatment facility has continued to pressure her for payment, she said.

Austin, who has not paid her outstanding bill, said insurance companies “should be held accountable.”

鈥楽ignificant Work Ahead’

Another one of the six commitments insurers made last year was to adopt new technology that would standardize the electronic submission of prior authorization requests. During the news conference announcing the pledge last summer, Chris Klomp, the director of Medicare and a deputy CMS administrator, said more than 50% of prior authorizations are still paper-based and processed by phone or fax machine.

In April, AHIP related to that technology initiative, explaining that participating insurers would adopt the new standards on a rolling basis. Health insurers agreed to implement the pledge’s various commitments by predetermined deadlines, and this initiative is scheduled to be operational by Jan. 1, 2027. But eight insurers that initially signed the pledge last year didn’t sign the technology update when it was announced in April, AHIP told 吃瓜不打烊.

Those insurers are Alignment Health Plan, EmblemHealth, HealthFirst, Independent Health, Medica, MVP Health Care, Point32Health, and SummaCare. Their beneficiaries span the country, from California to New York. None of those eight insurers agreed to interviews for this report, but most sent 吃瓜不打烊 emailed statements indicating that they remain committed to prior authorization reform.

AHIP’s approach to continuity of care “would have required the transfer of confidential member health information through a non-standardized process involving third-party participation,” wrote Jerry Slowey, a spokesperson for , which offers Medicare Advantage policies in Arizona, California, Nevada, North Carolina, and Texas. “We do not believe that level of data sharing was contemplated in the original commitment.”

Bury, the spokesperson for Medica, which covers beneficiaries in Iowa, Kansas, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Oklahoma, South Dakota, and Wisconsin, said the company “supports the goal of these standardization efforts.” But the April update “raised a significant technical and operational hurdle that we are not able to commit to at this time,” he said.

Alex Gomez, a spokesperson for EmblemHealth, said in late June the company “will sign onto the commitment” after 吃瓜不打烊 posed questions about why it had not endorsed the April update.

“We anticipate more plans will be added over the coming months,” said Bond, the AHIP spokesperson. Health plans are “working continuously to implement their commitments to simplify and improve the experience.” He acknowledged that “there is still significant work ahead.”

The original pledge also included a promise that insurance companies would enhance transparency and use “clear, easy-to-understand explanations” when communicating to patients 鈥 something they were already supposed to be doing under the Affordable Care Act.

Yet companies still regularly neglect to explain why care has been denied, and their communications often contain “inconsistent and contradictory information,” said Gartner, of Health Access Innovation. He and Murphy also said they suspect insurance companies are increasingly using artificial intelligence to generate denials.

“They craft the pathways to basically deny things immediately with the hope that people will give up,” Murphy said.

The congressman said he wishes President Donald Trump would sign executive orders addressing some of these issues. “The problem is the insurance industry is the strongest lobby in this town.”

Do you have an experience with prior authorization you’d like to share?  to tell 吃瓜不打烊 your story.

吃瓜不打烊 is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 吃瓜不打烊 and is republished here under a .

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States Start Their Medicaid Cuts /podcast/what-the-health-455-medicaid-cuts-state-budgets-confirmation-hearings-july-16-2026/ Thu, 16 Jul 2026 18:40:00 +0000 /?p=2260181&post_type=podcast&preview_id=2260181 The Host
Julie Rovner photo
Julie Rovner 吃瓜不打烊 Read Julie's stories. Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of 吃瓜不打烊’ weekly health policy news podcast, "What the Health?" A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book "Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z," now in its third edition.

When Republicans passed their big budget bill in 2025, they scheduled many of the Medicaid reductions to take effect in 2027, after the 2026 midterm elections. But in anticipation of getting less money from Washington come January, many states are already cutting their Medicaid programs, making the issue more relevant for voters in November.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of 吃瓜不打烊, Anna Edney of Bloomberg News, Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico, and Sandhya Raman of Bloomberg Law.

Panelists

Anna Edney photo
Anna Edney Bloomberg News
Alice Miranda Ollstein photo
Alice Miranda Ollstein Politico
Sandhya Raman photo
Sandhya Raman Bloomberg Law

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

  • Congress has no clear path to passing its annual spending bills, with the issue of Medicaid funding for Planned Parenthood again threatening to gum up the works. Meanwhile, senators this week screened President Donald Trump’s newest health nominees: Erica Schwartz to lead the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and Sean Kaufman to lead the Administration for Strategic Preparedness and Response. But Schwartz undermined some senators’ confidence by claiming ignorance about a number of Trump administration funding cuts, and Kaufman faced fiery questions over a deleted social media post about the hepatitis B vaccine.
  • The confirmation hearing for Todd Blanche as attorney general also trod into health territory, with Blanche saying he would review potentially using the 19th-century Comstock Act to block distribution of medication abortion drugs by mail. Such a move could block not only mifepristone but also misoprostol, which is the second abortion medication in the two-drug regimen 鈥 and is also used for non-abortion purposes. Trump promised on the campaign trail not to invoke the Comstock Act.
  • In politics, Maine Democrats are cautiously eying the abortion stances of a replacement Senate candidate, hoping to pin the rollback of abortion rights on Sen. Susan Collins, the Republican incumbent. And Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) is calling for an investigation into whether Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. violated a federal law aimed at preventing electioneering by officials when he made recent calls to persuade some candidates to drop out of congressional races.
  • And the gastrointestinal infection cyclosporiasis is sickening more Americans and drawing attention to the Trump administration’s actions undermining food safety surveillance programs. The cyclospora parasite was once subject to mandatory reporting but has since been made voluntary, challenging efforts to track the source and contain the outbreak.

Also this week, Rovner interviews Elizabeth Mitchell of the Purchaser Business Group on Health as part of the “How Would You Fix It?” series.

Plus, for “extra credit” the panelists this week suggest health policy stories they read (or wrote) that they think you should read, too:

Julie Rovner: Mississippi Today’s “,” by Sophia Paffenroth and Joanne Kenen.

Anna Edney: Bloomberg News’ “,” by Anna Edney.

Alice Miranda Ollstein: Politico’s “,” by Amanda Chu and Robert King.

Sandhya Raman: Bloomberg Law’s “,” by Nyah Phengsitthy and Skye Witley.

Also mentioned in this week’s podcast:

  • Stat’s “,” by O. Rose Broderick.
  • NPR’s “,” by Selina Simmons-Duffin.
  • Stat’s “” by Anil Oza and J. Emory Parker.
  • Politico’s “,” by Alice Miranda Ollstein.
Click to open the transcript Transcript: States Start Their Medicaid Cuts

[Editor’s note: This transcript was generated using transcription software. It has been edited for style and clarity.] 

Julie Rovner: Hello, from 吃瓜不打烊 and WAMU Public Radio in Washington, D.C. Welcome to What the Health? I’m Julie Rovner, chief Washington correspondent for 吃瓜不打烊. And, as always, I’m joined by some of the best and smartest health reporters covering Washington. We’re taping this week on Thursday, July 16, at 10 a.m. As always, news happens fast, and things might have changed by the time you hear this. So here we go. Today we are joined via video conference by Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico. 

Alice Miranda Ollstein: Hello. 

Rovner: Anna Edney of Bloomberg News. 

Anna Edney: Hi, everyone. 

Rovner: And Sandhya Raman of Bloomberg Law. 

Sandhya Raman: Hello, everyone. 

Rovner: Later in this episode, we’ll have the latest in our “How Would You Fix It?” series, this week with Elizabeth Mitchell of the Purchaser Business Group on Health, which represents employers and institutional buyers of health insurance and health services. But first, this week’s news. 

So, Congress is back from its July Fourth break with lots of changes, but still not a ton of forward progress on its legislative agenda. Sen. Mitch McConnell, who was hospitalized in June for what his office now says was a fall followed by a case of pneumonia, is still out. And close [President Donald] Trump ally South Carolina Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham died suddenly over the weekend. He’s already been replaced temporarily by his sister, Darline Graham Nordone, who presumably will be a reliable vote for Trump priorities, but probably not the dealmaker and mover-and-shaker her brother had been. In the House, members approved a surprisingly divisive bill to make daylight saving time permanent. But there doesn’t look to be a very clear legislative path for things like, oh, the annual spending bills that need to be done by Sept. 30? And yet another party-line Republican budget bill that might or might not be partly paid for by another push on healthcare fraud. What are you folks hearing about the major things that Congress has to do before the end of the fiscal year?  

Ollstein: Well, the thing that amused me the most that I saw was that leadership in the House, who are facing the same struggles over and over, herding the cats and getting enough Republicans to stay in line to pass even these party-line, you know, slim-majority bills, they’re trying the same tactic they tried with the last reconciliation bill, which is Hey, I know you’re disappointed that all of the things you wanted in this bill are not included, but don’t worry; there’ll be another one after it, so just vote for this one. And so they said that when they were working on “Reconciliation 2.0,” they said, Don’t worry; all the things you want, including Planned Parenthood’s Medicaid funding, that’ll be in 3.0. And now that we have 3.0, and it’s not included, and a bunch of other things they want are not included, they’re saying, Don’t worry; we’ll put it in 4.0. Now, there’s a lot of skepticism that even 3.0 can get done, so 4.0 seems like a wild fantasy at this point. 

Rovner: Yeah, I saw the reference to “Reconciliation 4.0,” and it’s important to remember that there’s only a limited number of budget reconciliation bills you can do. Each budget resolution gives you two or three, I guess, if you include 鈥 you can do a separate one to increase the debt ceiling. But generally, each budget resolution gives you a chance to do a tax reconciliation bill and a spending reconciliation bill. And when they neglect to do the budget resolutions, sometimes they can have a year where they’ll do two budget resolutions for two different fiscal years. But really, that just leaves them four. And I think, I’m not sure there’s a budget resolution that can come for a Reconciliation 4.0. But I guess we’re gonna see. I mean, basically, this really is all about: There’s a segment of the Republicans, particularly in the House, but I think also in the Senate, that want to permanently defund Planned Parenthood from Medicaid, which the Senate parliamentarian has said they can’t do on a permanent basis, and that just sort of continues to string this out, right? 

Ollstein: Right, and there are Republicans in the House that don’t want to take a vote on that in an election year. They worry it could hurt them politically, and then you have the more conservative wing of the party that is very upset that Planned Parenthood recently got its Medicaid funding back, because that law from last year was allowed to expire. So you just have a lot of angst and finger-pointing and upset Republican-on-Republican arguments going on this week, you know. Not to mention, there’s only, I think, seven weeks that they’re in session before the midterms. After the midterms, you could start to have attendance problems, and so people are very, very skeptical that 3.0, but especially some sort of 4.0, could happen. 

Rovner: Yeah, well, so the legislative agenda is kind of stalled. But there were confirmation hearings this week for the administration’s nominees for a couple of top Health and Human Services posts: head of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and assistant secretary for preparedness and response. Anything newsworthy from the nominees, Erica Schwartz or Sean Kaufman? Sandhya, you were at this hearing, yes? 

Raman: Yeah. I think this was really interesting to me because, up until yesterday, we had a lot of people kind of pleased with the nomination of Erica Schwartz as, you know, a more kind of mainstream, like, career type health official to be the head of the CDC, and you know even Democrats were pretty pleased with this. And, you know, we even had people that were more MAHA [Make America Healthy Again]-aligned, you know, being more skeptical that she would speak to some of their concerns that they’ve had. And what we had at the hearing was her kind of shifting gears, you know, deflecting on a lot of questions, being asked about various things, being asked about cuts to mRNA research, and saying, Oh, you know, I’m not familiar with that. Saying that she wasn’t familiar with some of the changes related to food safety, while we’re in the cyclosporiasis situation that we are right now. And even issues like the CDC Office [on] Smoking and Health, which she said, you know, smoking prevention was like one of her top priorities when she was working pre-government, and, you know, saying she wasn’t familiar with that office being eliminated. So that was interesting. And even you had the [Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee] chairman, Sen. Bill Cassidy, saying, you know, it seems like you’re a little overprepared for this and not answering. But I think the main takeaway was just vaccines. We had so many questions about vaccines from Cassidy, but just throughout the members of the [HELP] committee, trying to kind of garner where they were on it. And again, it was kind of, you know, walking that line to kind of appeal to the widest selection of people as possible. And I don’t think that that was what necessarily everyone was expecting there. For the ASPR [assistant secretary for preparedness and response] nominee, Sean Kaufman, there had been reporting earlier in the week about some of his old LinkedIn posts suggesting some of his comments about, you know, pediatric vaccination and things, and him being a little bit more skeptical. But he came out pretty strongly in favor, saying, I think, vaccines are safe and effective. But I think that there’s still some questions there when you talk to both of the nominees about, you know, whether or not they’d be willing to buck the secretary or the president if push comes to shove on some of these issues. And I think that was what really raised some eyebrows by some of the members on the committee. 

Rovner: I would say Cassidy got pretty exercised about some of the vaccine stuff. Do we know whether that’s going to make him not want to vote for some of these nominees? I mean, that’s pretty much up to him whether these things move forward. And you know, he has since said, after voting for Kennedy, that he was he was 鈥 I don’t think he said that it was a mistake, but he said that Kennedy has not kept the commitments that he made to Cassidy and the committee. So, you know, Cassidy 鈥 who’s a lame duck, has at least another chance to exercise some power here. Is he gonna? 

Raman: He did do some fiery exchanges with both of them on some of the vaccine-related issues, but at no point, I mean, did he come down as strong as that. I mean, at some point, he was saying to Schwartz, the CDC nominee, that, you know, I came in here ready to support you. Like, I want assurances on some of these things. But he didn’t, you know, indicate that he was gonna draw the line there. I mean, I guess we’ll see. I think one thing that did stand out was that he said that his conversations with her, you know, one-on-one, physician-to-physician, before the hearing were a bit different from what he was hearing in the hearing. So it depends, you know, are there more conversations? Does something sway? But it seems like it’s still, you know, heading towards, you know, getting across the finish line. 

Rovner: And to be clear, Erica Schwartz is, you know, she’s a doctor and an epidemiologist, and, you know, ran healthcare, I think, for the Coast Guard. I mean, she’s got a lot of government experience as well. 

Raman: She’s a former deputy surgeon general. She’s, yes, absolutely. 

Rovner: Yeah. Yeah. I mean, she clearly, clearly, on paper, she is more than qualified for this job. It’s just whether Cassidy is angry enough to actually, you know, put his power where his mouth has been. 

Well, there was some health-related news out of the hearing for Todd Blanche, the acting attorney general nominated to take the job permanently. Under questioning from several anti-abortion Republican senators, Blanche rather specifically promised to examine something called the Comstock Act, an anti-vice law from the late 1800s, to potentially outlaw the mailing of abortion pills, regardless of what the FDA says. Alice, what would that mean? 

Ollstein: So, I think it’s important to emphasize that Blanche only promised to review this. He didn’t promise to make any specific changes. I saw a lot of anti-abortion activists getting, I think, a little overly excited about what he said. You know, they could review it and take no action. I think it’s also important to remember that Trump specifically promised on the campaign trail not to use the Comstock Act to go after abortion pill providers. You already have activists on the other side, pro-abortion rights activists, characterizing that as the kind of national ban, federal ban that Trump also promised not to enact. You know he specifically has this, you know, “leave it to the states” stance, and you could argue he’s already broken that in some ways. But this would be a much bigger way. So, a lot of different ways the government could cut off access to abortion pills by mail came up in the hearing. The Comstock Act is one of them. I think what abortion rights activists find troubling about the Comstock Act, in particular, is that it could be used to cut off access to both mifepristone and misoprostol, whereas the strategies that the anti-abortion movement is using that are focused on the FDA are pretty much only focused on just one of those two drugs that have to be used together for abortions. So, if the FDA were to act to restrict mifepristone, people could still have abortions just using misoprostol. But if they tried to use the Comstock Act, they could cut off access to both, which could also impede people’s access to those drugs for nonabortion purposes, which they are used for. 

Rovner: Misoprostol has a lot of other uses. I mean, mifepristone is primarily an abortion drug that’s also used for miscarriage. But misoprostol is an anti-ulcer drug that’s used for a whole lot of different indications that have nothing to do with reproductive health. 

Ollstein: And that’s a big part of why the Biden administration put out this memo from the DOJ [Department of Justice] saying that they don’t think the Comstock Act should be used to prosecute doctors who prescribe abortion pills and mail them because you can’t know if the person is ordering them for a legal or illegal purpose. And, you know, obviously people quibble with that in various ways, but that is the sort of underlying rationale, and that precedent is still in place, and that’s what these senators were trying to push Blanche to change, if confirmed. 

Rovner: And yeah, I say, and clearly all of this depends on whether or not Blanche gets confirmed as attorney general, which is still up in the air, mostly for other reasons. But 鈥 

Ollstein: Yeah, absolutely, people are upset with him for the handling of the [Jeffrey] Epstein files and all kinds of stuff. And just one GOP senator on the committee could block him from going forward. So it’s not all about this, but this is definitely in the mix. 

Rovner: Yes, I think so. Well, moving on, as we’ve noted, the big cuts to Medicaid from the 2025 Republican budget bill mostly don’t start until next January. But states whose fiscal years started this July 1 are already making changes in order to be ready. Several states are already trimming back Medicaid benefits that are optional for states, including many community-based long-term care services. This is despite Republican assurances last year that traditional populations of moms and kids, seniors, and those with disabilities wouldn’t be impacted by the cuts. Stat has a  out of Maryland about cuts to a family caregiver program that may leave a family with the choice of either going bankrupt or putting their disabled child into an institution. It’s hard to see how this isn’t going to be a big campaign issue, right? I mean, this, you know, there were all of these claims that, you know, we’re really only going after the able-bodied Medicaid recipients. That’s not what states are doing.  

Raman: I mean, we’ve already seen it becoming a campaign issue. I mean, even before this was passed into law, we saw Democrats really, like, going in on this far before the midterms, you know, emphasizing this over and over and over again. And I see, you know, they’re going to continue doing that, especially when costs are such a big issue for voters this year. And if you lose Medicaid, then that is another added cost for you if you have a health issue of any kind. But I think what’s even more interesting is how this has been really played back on the Republican side. They’re not talking about this as much as they did a few months ago. Even, you know, we passed the anniversary of the law earlier this month, and there wasn’t a big push on this like there has been on other issues. They’ve really shifted into talking more about 鈥 as for in the healthcare bubble, we’re talking about fraud, fraud, fraud, not any of the things that were in the “Big Beautiful Bill.” 

Rovner: Yeah, things that they hoped people would see as an advantage are not so much right now. Well, another tack that states seem to be taking is not to cut Medicaid for recipients, but rather to get someone else to help pay the bill. And they’re targeting large employers of low-wage workers who have Medicaid. New Jersey is planning to charge those larger employers a fee. Other states are looking at ways to do something similar. But there’s not just pushback from business groups, who obviously don’t want to pay a fee for their workers who are eligible for and get Medicaid. Some advocates for low-income people say that it will make it harder for workers who get Medicaid to stay employed if their employers will be penalized. I know this was, you know, this came up many years ago 鈥 I think just after the beginning of the Affordable Care Act, when there was concern that a lot of big employers were actually going to dump their workers onto Medicaid. Many of them in the end did not. But it’s hard to see how this is really going to catch on. I grant states creativity for, like, OK, we’re not allowed to ask healthcare providers to help pay our Medicaid bills anymore. So now we’re going to ask big employers to help pay our Medicaid bills. 

Edney: Well, I think it’s an interesting 鈥 it’s probably a tough calculation for the people, you know, that are actually making this decision. The person who’s deciding, you know, do I take this employer insurance or Medicaid? And then you do want to push employers to offer plans that are affordable and that are comprehensive. That’s what they’re supposed to do, especially these big employers. But there can be kind of a lot of calculation that goes into this: maybe the size of the household, who else in the household might be working. So you know, I can see why it might feel like it’s not just on the company, but maybe some of the employees who are making these decisions could end up suffering. 

Rovner: Yeah, as I say, kind of points for creativity, but not clear that this is actually going to catch on because there are clearly going to be problems with it. States are going to have to keep looking to figure out how to continue to pay their 鈥 share of the Medicaid bills. As Sandhya already mentioned, some of you may have noticed the U.S. is having an outbreak of something called cyclosporiosis, which is an infection caused by a parasite that causes, let’s just say, major gastrointestinal upset. Screening for the parasite, which, by the way cannot easily be washed off of infected produce or other food products, used to be part of a list of parasites whose reporting was mandatory to the CDC’s Foodborne Diseases Active Surveillance Network, known as FoodNet. But it was made optional last year, and, as of now, we still don’t know what foodstuff is spreading this parasite 鈥 although suspicion’s being cast on lettuce or some other leafy green vegetable. Is this yet another “I told you so” about cuts to public health? And is anybody really gonna care, other than the thousands of people who are really sick right now? 

Edney: Yeah, I think that, absolutely, this is another “I told you so” in the sense that, like, you can’t just decide what bacteria you’re going to track if, you know, it pops up and you can’t really control that. And I think that a lot of people already care, you know 鈥 I think you’ve seen a lot of decisions being made, at least that’s what social media has indicated. I have not seen, like, shopping numbers, but people seem to be concerned. 鈥 They don’t want to buy lettuce, raspberries, cilantro, things that have been implicated in these outbreaks before. And so, with states not reporting to FoodNet, it’s harder to track in real time. So it’s taking longer to narrow down what food is responsible for this, what, who the producer is. So people are left wondering and left just cutting, you know, entire fresh fruits and vegetables out of their diet at this point. They’re really worried. 

Rovner: It kind of cuts against the whole “eat healthier.” 

Edney: Exactly. 

Rovner: Like when the healthiest things might cause all kinds of problems. 

Edney: Yeah, I mean, you know, if all you feel comfortable eating is packaged goods and microwaving all your food to make sure it’s safe, I think it is a problem. And there are people I think who do feel that way, especially in states, you know, in the Midwest that have a lot higher numbers of these cases. 

Rovner: I would say the federal government keeps saying, “Oh, we get cyclospora outbreaks every year,” and we do. But this is much, much higher than it has been in many years. Sorry, Alice, you wanted to say something. 

Ollstein: Well, I mean, it’s the classic situation of, you know, when public health is working well, it’s completely invisible, and so it’s easy to take it for granted. And you can say, well, there hasn’t been a serious outbreak in this many years. What’s the point of this expensive monitoring and prevention program? And turns out, this is why. It’s a very thankless sector because when it’s working well, you don’t get any kudos. You don’t get any awards for not having an outbreak of diarrhea parasite. But everybody gets upset when there is an outbreak of diarrhea parasite. 

Rovner: And screwworm, which we also have after we canceled some of the watchouts for it. All right, we’re going to take a quick break. We will be right back.  

OK, we are back. So in news from what I’m calling the “Department of Updates,” a couple of weeks ago we talked about Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. calling up libertarian candidates in Iowa in an effort to get them to drop out of House races in order to prevent them from siphoning votes from Republicans. Well, now Oregon Democratic Sen. Ron Wyden is officially asking the U.S. Office of Special Counsel for an investigation into whether that violated the Hatch Act, which generally prohibits federal employees from participating in political activities. Of all the, quote, “scandals” attributed to RFK Jr. since he’s been in office, where does this one rank? 

Edney: That’s a really good question. I’m not sure a lot of people might understand the gravity of it, but a person in appointed position is not really supposed to be weighing in and putting their thumb on elections and influencing those outcomes. I mean, that’s the law. And so it is a Democrat asking for this investigation, which the consequences might be less heavy, I guess, you never really know. I mean, I think it does, kind of the whole situation. Secretary Kennedy’s trying to influence these does kind of show you how worried they are, how worried he is, that he might have to go up before Congress should Democrats win the House and answer a lot of questions under subpoena. 

Rovner: Yeah, and of course that’s exactly what he said to the libertarian candidates when he was trying to get them drop out is, like, if the Democrats take over the House, I’m going to spend all of my time, you know, on Capitol Hill rather than working to, you know, make America healthy again. That was his argument.  

All right. Well, another topic we have spoken about before is the proposed rule from the Office of Management and Budget to give political appointees far more power over which scientific and medical grants get funded. The comment period for the rule closed this week with nearly half a million comments filed. That’s a whole lot, by the way. And our friends at Stat, with help from researchers at the University of North Carolina,  that have been posted so far, and found them overwhelmingly in opposition to the rules, with concern about politicization of science dominating the reasons. I still feel like this is an under-covered story. We’re talking about the fate of more than a trillion dollars in federal funding each year, and a huge change in the way this money is allocated and spent. I mean, you know, already we’ve seen the administration trying to hold back some of this money and getting pushback from Congress, but this would basically codify, if you will, the ability of political appointees to say, We’re not going to give you money unless we agree with it. Essentially. 

Raman: I mean, I think even from the get-go of this comment period, there has been that groundswell of people submitting comments. You know, even a few days in, we were hitting numbers that we would usually maybe not see even throughout the whole comment period for other proposed rules. And so much of that in, like you said, the scientific community has been this. But grants extend to so many departments in the federal government and cover so many different things, and I think it’s kind of hard to quantify just how sweeping something like this would be. Even, you know, looking at a few different pieces, just because the types of grants are so different. 鈥 So many grants are multiyear, and might go from one administration to another, and then be implemented. And if politicization of approving or rubber-stamping continuing grants is there, that would create a lot of up and down in terms of Will these things continue? So I will not be surprised if as we get a little further along there is more litigation filed with people trying to stop this. It’s just we’re at this stage now where proposed rule time is not really where you would you would get that. There needs to be a little further in the process. But yeah, I think this is something that a lot of people are really keeping an eye on. But it is something that’s harder, I think, to communicate out to folks that maybe don’t realize that they are using grant money for something that is available in their community.  

Rovner: We need a Schoolhouse Rock! for peer review and grant-making. Maybe I’ll have to do a video with the dog. Yes, my next video with the dog. 

Ollstein: Just quickly, I will say that the abortion rights community is very anxious about this. They worry that it will lead to any sort of research remotely tied to reproductive health will be cut unless it’s, you know, explicitly pro-abstinence, pro-fertility. But again, like we talk about with so many things, when you implement these changes, it cuts both ways, and a Democratic administration in the future could wield this in ways that conservatives don’t like. And so 鈥 

Rovner: I think what freaks out the science and medical community is just the lack of continuity. It’s that if it’s going to change back and forth, I mean, one of the things that research really depends on is that research takes as long as it takes, and that often stretches way across Democratic and Republican administrations. That’s kind of the idea of not having this be in charge of political appointees. So I think that’s a lot of 鈥 I mean, I have obviously have not read half a million comments, but many of the comments I’ve seen have suggested that there’s concern about the going back and forth that would be as damaging as anything else. 

All right. Well, speaking of updates,  that the Department of Health and Human Services is backing away from a new regulation proposed with much fanfare last December that threatened to withhold Medicare and Medicaid funding from hospitals that offered transgender care to minors. Some 30,000 comments on that rule were filed, including those from major medical groups urging that the rule be rejected as an unwarranted interference in medical care. The administration actually pushed back against the NPR story, saying the rule hasn’t been officially pulled, which does appear to be the case. But it seems that officials are kind of trying to have it both ways by leaving the possibility that it could be revived hanging over hospitals’ heads. Is this kind of a clever way to put pressure on hospitals to do what the administration wants without actually having it litigated about whether the administration has the legal authority to do this in the first place? 

Edney: Yeah, I think that’s a good point, that are they sort of leaving it in place without ever fully implementing it? Because states are supposed to be able to regulate this, not have the federal government tell them what to do. And certainly, you know, the hospitals could have their say in it. So they could have been facing a lot of litigation, and I think not pulling it doesn’t mean that it’s not gone. It’s just, you know, according to the story, they clearly decided not to go forward with it. But leaving it in place does kind of, for the hospitals that already moved on this, and we did see some that got nervous. Then, you know, they might be the ones who kind of keep everything in place, just because they’re not sure. 

Rovner: Yeah, I mean they’re making the point that they’re not moving forward on it now. But that doesn’t mean that they’re never moving forward on it, which seems to be a theme from this administration on a whole lot of things. It’s like: We’re not going to do this now, but we still could do it later.  

Well, finally this week, there’s always plenty of news on reproductive health. Alice, I feel like I’m being transported back to, like, 2014 or even 2018, but it looks like the Trump administration is going to try again to  as required by the Affordable Care Act. Why are we debating this again now? 

Ollstein: So this is the case that won’t die ever. Apparently. This is about a workaround in the Affordable Care Act that was created so that religious employers who really object to contraception for, you know, deeply held faith reasons, there’s a workaround so they don’t have to pay for the insurance that covers contraception for their employees. But their employees can still access that contraception coverage if they want it. But certain groups have kept suing over this again and again over the years. It went all the way up to the Supreme Court, and then it came back, and now it’s bouncing around in the lower courts because they say that even participating in that workaround is a violation of their beliefs. Now, on a sort of parallel track 鈥 

Rovner: They are facilitating 鈥 right, obviously, they are facilitating. They’re “complicit.” That’s the word they’re using; they are complicit in allowing people to get contraception, which they don’t believe in. 

Ollstein: Correct, and 鈥  

Rovner: “They” not the people who are getting it, “they” the people who are complicit in getting it. 

Ollstein: The bosses, yes. 

Rovner: Right. The bosses. 

Ollstein: So, sort of on a parallel track, the Trump administration tried to vastly expand the number of companies, the kind of companies that could say we don’t want to provide contraception for our employees, so that now it doesn’t have to be because of a religious belief. It could just be because of an ideological belief. And also now this could be, you know, a big for-profit, publicly traded company, not just a small religious group. Folks have been fighting this, and so here we are back in court again. This is, you know, an ongoing struggle. Of course, you know it’s important to remember that the question of whether or not working folks can access contraception has much higher stakes now that abortion is illegal in much of the country. 

Rovner: We will see. Well, and while abortion doesn’t seem to be as big a political issue in 2026 as it was in 2022, we are seeing ballot measures in several key states, as well as abortion being centered in places like the Maine Senate race, where ostensibly pro-choice Republican Sen. Susan Collins’ vote to confirm Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh is being hung around her neck, even though she doesn’t have an actual Democratic opponent yet, after Graham Platner dropped out. How is abortion shaping up as a political issue this year? Alice, you’re, I assume, following this. Sandhya, so are you, right? 

Ollstein: It’s interesting. I have a story coming on this in the next day or so. The Democrats who are jockeying for the chance to take on Collins and all of the outside groups supporting them and rushing through this process, they’re very anxious about the ability to make the case that Susan Collins has, as they say, betrayed, you know, her promises to protect abortion rights by confirming not only the Supreme Court justices who helped overturn Roe v. Wade, but a lot of lower court judges who have voted for abortion restrictions in a lot of states. And so they want to be able to put that front and center in their campaign against him. And so they’re really anxious about the records of the Democrats running, because they don’t want to muddy that message at all, and to have Susan Collins have the opportunity to say, Actually, these people have a worse record than me on this issue. And so there’s a lot of hand-wringing on that front. And it’s just tough because some of the Democrats running have a mixed record on this. They used to oppose abortion, and then in more recent years have, you know, passed very strong legislation supporting it. And then you have a lot of candidates who have no record at all on this. They have no voting record. Some of them have never held office before, or this issue just has not been something they’ve had a chance to work on. And so, it is tough for voters to compare someone who has a mixed record but made real accomplishments for abortion rights versus people with no record at all. 

Rovner: So, abortion is going to be an issue, but maybe not sort of 鈥 like with the attorney general, “in the mix” 鈥 is that a fair way to put it? 

Ollstein: Oh, absolutely! And no matter what, it’s going to be a huge part of the campaign against Susan Collins. You’re already seeing groups start to air ads about it. 

Rovner: All right. Well, that is this week’s news. Now we’ll play excerpts from my “How Would You Fix It?” interview with Elizabeth Mitchell. You can . And then we will come back and do our extra credits. 

I am pleased to welcome Elizabeth Mitchell, President and CEO of the Purchaser Business Group on Health, to “How Would You Fix It?” PBGH represents large employers and other institutional buyers of healthcare from both the public and private sectors. Elizabeth Mitchell, thanks for joining us. 

Elizabeth Mitchell: So glad to be here. A lot to fix. 

Rovner: Yeah, a lot to fix. So I want to start by having you talk a little bit about employers’ role in the U.S. healthcare system 鈥 how it started, and why it persists. 

Mitchell: Yeah, well, I think we know it was an accident of history, right? They weren’t looking to get into the healthcare business, but when, you know, they were looking for alternatives to wages, when there were limits on what they could offer, and they started with what was a pretty inexpensive offering, helping pay for hospital care. And that has now grown to be the second-largest line item in their budgets after payroll. So it has taken on a life of its own. Employers cover over 160 million Americans, so they are a major player in healthcare in the U.S., for better or worse. But they are committed to achieving just a better system because they’re paying for it and because their employees need it. 

Rovner: What’s unique about large employers, particularly the large employers that you represent 鈥 the ones that not only pay for their workers’ health benefits but also design and manage them in most cases? 

Mitchell: Yeah, it’s a great question. I work with large and jumbo self-insured employers and public purchasers like CalPERS. 

Rovner: CalPERS, for those who don’t know, is the California pension system. 

Mitchell: Yeah, they are the second-largest purchaser after Medicare, I believe. So not small. And honestly, the major difference for large employers is the leverage, right? They have the ability to negotiate arrangements that small employers just don’t have. You know, there is somewhat of a myth that the health plans are responsive to large employers. That is sadly not often the case. As large employers have sought to exercise that leverage, the system has consolidated in response, so the health insurers have consolidated, the health systems have consolidated. So there’s been this arms race of consolidation, meaning that even the largest employers in the world are smaller and don’t have the leverage many times. So they’re looking at how can they align or aggregate even across large employers to really drive the changes they’re looking for? 

Rovner: Well, the premise of this entire project is that we’re heading towards another major national debate over health because just about every stakeholder is unhappy with the status quo. I assume that’s at least as true for large employers now as it was in the early 2000s, when the ground was being laid for the Affordable Care Act. Do you agree with that? And just how dissatisfied are your members with the current functioning of the healthcare system? 

Mitchell: I do not know any employers that are happy with the current system. I will say that that dissatisfaction is growing exponentially every year of double-digit price increases and lack of access and just administrative complexity. We are seeing readiness for wholesale changes that I’ve never seen before. So there is very high frustration, but I also see that as a big opportunity. 

Rovner: So how would your members fix the system? What are some of those policy changes that they would like to see? 

Mitchell: So there is no simple answer. I know that goes without saying, but there’s a collection of changes that we are prioritizing based on evidence. So one of them is primary care, really robust primary care 鈥 and not the kind that is just set up as a feeder into the health system 鈥 is a top priority for our members. Another really is more on the purchasing side, right? There is so much administrative waste in the system. And some of our members now are turning to AI just to look at their contracts and realize that they are paying these absurd fees they never agreed to. And then finally, transparency. It is absolutely essential. There are immediate savings opportunities just by looking at the data and realizing you can get the exact same quality or better-quality service across the street for a fraction of the price. And that has immediate savings for out-of-pocket costs as well. So, using transparent information to find the best partners, banning anticompetitive practices, and investing in primary care and high-quality specialty care. Those are my top few. 

Rovner: There are voices both on the left and now on the right who would like to get rid of the basically employer-based system that we have 鈥 you know, “Medicare for All” 鈥 and would anticipate, would take that away, you know, basically would have the government, if not providing them, at least paying for all healthcare services. Now we’re seeing Republicans talking about, you know, big bad insurance companies, and we should just give people money, and they should buy their own care. Where are large employers on that, sort of? I assume they would like to keep some semblance of the system that we have now in a reformed system, or am I wrong? Are they ready to give it up and let everybody fight it out for who provides healthcare? 

Mitchell: Well, I represent a subset of jumbo employers who are very progressive, very innovative, and very invested in fixing the system. That said, I don’t think anybody would say it’s working right now. We have a very real affordability crisis. And I would say jumbo self-insured employers are some of the best-positioned actors to do something about that. They have the opposite incentives. They want lower cost and better quality. So if they are empowered and enabled, in some cases through policy change, to be more effective purchasers, I do think that that is a viable strategy still. Because even if you just gave everyone cash, you still have a price problem. It just becomes the problem of the patient instead of the purchaser, because prices are the issue here, and consolidated, unresponsive providers and plans. There is a tendency, and it’s not totally unjustified, of blaming the customer. But there are some aspects of our system that need to change. Whether the government’s paying for it, individuals are paying for it, or employers are paying for it. So it’s a matter of how do we get at that? If it was Medicare for All, they set prices. Maybe that will work. I think the opponents of that historically have been hospitals and health insurers, not employers. But employers are committed to playing a very active role in achieving affordable, high-value care. 

Rovner: Well, that was sort of my question: Are employers ready to say: We just, we would like to wash our hands of this and let somebody else do it? Or would they prefer to stay involved? Or I guess I’m sure it depends on the details.  

Mitchell: It depends. I mean, again, we don’t work very much with small and midsized employers, but 鈥 

Rovner: I’ll talk to them separately. 

Mitchell: Yeah, it wouldn’t surprise me if they wanted to wash their hands of it, because they have so little leverage. I think that there are large employers who remain committed to this. But depending on the policy environment that we are in in the next three to five years, who knows? I do think that if employer-sponsored insurance doesn’t demonstrate real affordability in the next few years, you know, I think it’s an open question. 

Rovner: So we seem as a society to be growing further apart rather than closer together on a lot of policy issues 鈥 not just healthcare, but education, climate, immigration. How do we get back to a place where people who disagree can work together to address something that everybody agrees is a problem, like the state of our healthcare system? I realize that’s sort of beyond your pay grade, but unless people think about it, we’re not going to get there. 

Mitchell: No, I think it’s a really, really important question. I don’t necessarily have the answer. But, I mean, I think it’s also finding where we have agreement, right? Everyone, well, all the people I work with, think we are paying too much for healthcare, so we’ve got to have a clear goal of affordability. And employers alone can’t fix that, right? So how do they partner with clinicians and providers and communities and governments to actually achieve that? I think if you focus on those sort of pragmatic shared goals, I mean, it may lower the temperature a bit. Healthcare is also so complex. Everybody sees different sides of the elephant, and they, so they have very strong views. They’re not wrong. It’s just not the whole system. So really, taking a systems approach, understanding the existing practices and incentives and behaviors. I think level-setting on why we are where we are is also really important. And I do not believe it is well understood. I talk to Congress a lot, and staff, and agencies, and administration, and, you know, there is a pretty deep understanding of Medicaid and Medicare, but not the commercial market. So really understanding the actual barriers, I think, would go a long way to sort of, you know, at least some initial consensus. 

Rovner: So more education, basically. 

Mitchell: Education and alignment on large goals, even if we have some differences on, you know, how we get there, and respecting that there are going to be different strategies, you know. I’m in Maine right now, and rural Maine may need a whole different approach to paying for rural behavioral health than you would have needed in San Francisco. So let’s be open to multiple approaches to the same problems. 

Rovner: Looking forward to the debate. Elizabeth Mitchell, thank you so much. 

Mitchell: Thank you. 

Rovner: OK, we’re back. It’s time for our extra-credit segment. That’s where we each recognize a story we read this week we think you should read, too. Don’t worry if you miss it. We will post the links in our show notes on your phone or other mobile device. Anna, why don’t you go first this week? 

Edney: Sure. This is a story that I wrote. It’s “.” During covid, obviously, a lot of personal protective equipment we had issues getting it. There were shortages, and so the government decided to spend almost a billion dollars on these handful of companies that they were going to try to boost medical glove-making here. And those are like the nitrile exam gloves you see in every hospital, every doctor’s office. And we were not fully making them here. The main ingredient, particularly the most important piece, we weren’t making here. Well, fast-forward six years, we are still not making it here. So none of those companies that the government funded are making medical gloves. And so, essentially, we’re at the point where there are full entire factories built with huge reactors and things to try to make this main ingredient because it’s a petroleum product. But they aren’t able to finish the project; they aren’t plugged in and ready to go. And the U.S. government has decided they’re not going to fund that anymore. These went from Trump 1 to Biden to Trump 2, and Trump 2 has said we’re letting this go. We’re not going to do it, and this factory will probably end up being sold for parts. Others have shut down, and we’re getting our medical gloves still mostly from Malaysia. Kind of the reason I wanted to write this now is because it’s just when the government decided to abandon this project, but also because of the war with Iran has raised the cost of petroleum products, which is the main, you know, nitrile butadiene rubber. And so the cost of that has gone way up, and so we’re kind of in this cycle where we still can’t get it, but it’s still being affected by outside forces. 

Rovner: Well, thank you for doing the accountability journalism on this. It was. I really, really liked this story.  

Ollstein: Thank you. 

Rovner: Sandhya. 

Raman: So my extra credit this week is from my colleagues Nyah [Phengsitthy] and Skye [Witley] at Bloomberg Law, and it’s called “.” So they spent a few months looking at the, you know, hundreds of different supplements and different packaged foods that have been, like, trying to gain momentum in this space because of the popularity of GLP-1 medications and just, you know, there has been really limited federal oversight of claims of these, you know, the supplements and the foods. It’s causing 鈥 

Rovner: I would say, and to be clear, these aren’t people trying to make GLP-1s. These are people making supplements that are to appeal to people who are on GLP-1s, saying, you know, if you want it because you’re not eating as much, here’s a way you could get the nutrition that you need. 

Raman: Yes, absolutely. So you know, it might say like GLP-1-friendly, or, you know, it might be on, you know, a snack food you buy, or, you know, just a supplement that’s unregulated at a drugstore. And just a lot of the confusion there. There’s not a lot of research on some of these things. There’s, you know, a lot of litigation brewing in different places related to this, and there’s not, you know, a standard federal definition of what something like “GLP-1-friendly” even means. So they have a great deep dive into this. So you should take a read.  

Rovner: Yeah, at some point, Congress is going to have to take another look at the whole supplement regulation thing. But I thought this was really fascinating because it’s just a whole new sort of category of supplements that has popped up in the wake of the GLP-1 popularity. Alice. 

Ollstein: I have a story from my co-workers Amanda Chu and Robert King [“”], and it’s about how the federal government’s attempt to crack down on what they claim as widespread Medicaid fraud in Minnesota, in particular, is having all of these damaging spillover effects and has cut off Medicaid payments to a bunch of providers: mental health, eldercare, all kinds of things 鈥 folks that are not suspected of committing fraud at all. The state is pausing payments to a wide range of providers while they try to implement these new anti-fraud measures, and so it just is a good look at the danger of using kind of a sledgehammer to go after a more narrow problem. 

Rovner: Yep 鈥 I think we’re going to see that more and more as sort of these Medicaid sort of crackdowns and the fraud crackdowns continue. My extra credit this week is from Mississippi Today. It’s called “.” It’s by Sophia Paffenroth and our own podcast pal Joanne Kenen. And it’s about something I’ve been talking about a lot this entire very hot summer, which is the impact that heat and the lack of air conditioning has on health. We know excessive heat takes a special toll on the elderly and those with respiratory issues, but it’s also super dangerous for pregnant people and the very youngest among us. And while Mississippi has been taking some novel steps to address that, a lack of attention by medical professionals and a lack of research, along with budget cuts, have been making that task much harder. It’s a topic I’m sure we will all continue to watch. 

Okay, that is this week’s show. OK, that is this week’s show. Thanks to our editor, Emmarie Huetteman, and our producer-engineer, Francis Ying. We also had production help this week from Taylor Cook. A reminder: What the Health? is now available on WAMU platforms, the NPR app, and wherever you get your podcasts 鈥 as well as, of course, kffhealthnews.org. Also, as always, you can email us your comments or questions. We’re at whatthehealth@kff.org. Or you can still find me on X , or on Bluesky . Where are you guys hanging about these days? Sandhya? 

Raman: On  and on  @SandhyaWrites. 

Rovner: Anna. 

Edney:  and  @annaedney. 

Rovner: Alice. 

Ollstein: On Bluesky  and on X . 

Rovner: We will be back in your feed next week. Until then, be healthy. 

Credits

Francis Ying Audio producer
Emmarie Huetteman Editor

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吃瓜不打烊 is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 吃瓜不打烊 and is republished here under a .

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A Sales Tax on Doctor Visits and Medicine? In Missouri, Some Worry /health-care-costs/sales-tax-healthcare-services-missouri-state-amendment-revenue/ Thu, 16 Jul 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2259065 ST. LOUIS 鈥 Missouri healthcare advocate Leslie Ortbals and her husband want to start a family, but she worries they can’t afford it. The 27-year-old said she takes 10 medications daily to manage multiple chronic illnesses.

Now she worries the cost of those drugs could rise 鈥 not because of price increases, but because of a tax system revamp put on the ballot by the state’s Republican-dominated legislature and backed by the Republican governor.

Prescription drugs and doctor visits are currently exempt from taxes in the state. But in August, Missouri voters will weigh in on a proposed constitutional amendment to give the legislature the power to replace the state’s income tax with expanded sales taxes, including on goods and services currently exempt.

“Politicians want Missourians to trust them when they say not to worry about our medications and healthcare being up for grabs,” Ortbals said at a June press event organized by Progress MO, a progressive advocacy group.

“I have spent enough time in Jefferson City to know better,” said Ortbals, who works for a Democratic state legislator but was speaking in her personal capacity. “I have watched them speak about protecting life while making lifesaving healthcare less accessible.”

Taxes on healthcare are unusual in the United States but not unprecedented. Most states over-the-counter drugs. Illinois, Missouri’s neighbor, prescription drugs. Delaware, Hawai鈥榠, New Mexico, and Washington all on services by physicians, dentists, out-of-hospital nursing providers, and medical laboratories.

Critics of the amendment to eliminate income tax in Missouri say it’d be difficult to make up the lost revenue without also imposing taxes on healthcare. Nearly two-thirds of the state’s general revenue budget comes from income taxes, about $8.7 billion in 2026. Failing to make up that revenue could lead to steep cuts in state services.

The proposed tax cut comes at an already precarious time for the state budget. Missouri Gov. Mike Kehoe in spending in this year’s budget over concerns of lagging revenues. The state legislature has passed a since 2022, including . Federal covid aid has propped up the budget in recent years, but the that the surplus is dwindling. And the state is projected to in federal Medicaid funding over 10 years due to cuts from President Donald Trump’s signature One Big Beautiful Bill Act.

Proponents of the Missouri income tax proposal, such as of the Show-Me Institute, a conservative think tank, say the cut would in the state, both of which have been flat in recent years. He doubts healthcare would be among the things subject to sales tax. But even if it were, he said, it could be done in ways that wouldn’t target lower-income residents. New Jersey, for example, (excluding reconstructive surgeries), which tend to be performed on wealthier people.

In a statement to 吃瓜不打烊, Kehoe spokesperson Gabby Picard said the governor “will never support extending sales taxes on agriculture, healthcare, or real estate,” noting that the legislature would have to decide what to exempt if the ballot measure passes.

Federal law already prohibits states from imposing taxes on many healthcare services covered by government programs such as Medicare, the federal health insurance program for seniors, and Medicaid, the joint state-federal health insurance program for people with low incomes or disabilities, Picard wrote. More than were insured through those two programs in 2024.

But Jay Hardenbrook, advocacy director for AARP Missouri, argued that raising taxes on healthcare, real estate, and agriculture is the for the amendment, considering the legislature doesn’t need special permission to cut income taxes. He cautioned that because the amendment opens the door to new taxes on anything, it could unleash a “weird feeding frenzy” with special-interest groups lobbying for exemptions.

“Let’s say we do protect prescription drugs from a tax increase; does that mean that the cost of food goes up?” Hardenbrook said.

And if the Missouri measure passes and the legislature exempts healthcare and real estate from new taxes, Hardenbrook worries about cuts to state-funded services like home and community-based care.

“When I talk about taxes going up, and the price of every good and services going up, that’s the best-case scenario,” Hardenbrook said. “The worst-case scenario is that the income tax just goes away, and we just don’t have the money to do the things that we need to do.”

have no income tax, and Washington taxes only capital gains, but of the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy, a progressive think tank, said the way Missouri is going about its elimination is nearly unprecedented. Only Alaska has repealed a broad-based personal income tax that had previously accounted for a significant portion of the state budget, Davis said.

“The situation in Alaska was they struck oil, and they had this gusher of economic activity and tax revenue that resulted from that,” Davis said. “Missouri has not struck oil.”

A 2012 tax cut in Kansas that reduced income taxes for individuals and eliminated them for some types of businesses created a large budget hole, prompting lawmakers there to the cuts five years later.

Tsapelas of the Show-Me Institute said Missouri’s income tax elimination wouldn’t happen overnight but would instead be more akin to in the state: phased in and tied to revenue targets that would shield the state from massive budget gaps.

“It’s not as doom and gloom as some people are worried about,” Tsapelas said.

But Ortbals, the healthcare advocate, said too many Missourians are already delaying medical care because of costs.

“I want a Missouri where young people can afford to stay, where families can afford to grow, where chronic illness does not become financial ruin,” Ortbals said.

吃瓜不打烊 is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 吃瓜不打烊 and is republished here under a .

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Readers Share Personal Insights on Deadly Denials and Pregnancy Centers /letter-to-the-editor/reader-response-deadly-denials-pregnancy-centers-glp1-july-2026/ Thu, 16 Jul 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2259597&preview=true&preview_id=2259597 Letters to the Editor is a periodic feature. We welcome all comments and will publish a selection. We edit for length and clarity and require full names.


A Tragic, Deadly Denial

I read your article in The Washington Post about the woman whose Humana policy required prior authorization for a drug she’d been taking (Bill of the Month: “She Struggled To Get a Lifesaving Drug Even After Insurers Vowed To Help,” June 29).

My husband, Kenney, had chronic obstructive pulmonary disease. On June 7, he fatally shot himself after a COPD exacerbation event.

His pulmonologist had prescribed two new nebulizer prescriptions on June 2. One was a specialty medication that would come directly from the drug company. A couple of days later, we called Walgreens to see why the other one hadn’t been filled. Turns out it required prior authorization.

Why the doctor who prescribed it needed to tell his health insurer that he really did think his patient needed it, I will never understand. The pharmacist said she would send the request to the doctor. And why she hadn’t already done that, again, I do not understand. By June 7, of course, it still wasn’t filled.

That day, a Sunday, Kenney experienced the flare-up when I was out mowing the yard. How terrifying it must have been for him to be unable to breathe and me not being there at least to hold his hand. That night he killed himself, leaving a note saying that he hated to leave me but that he couldn’t keep living like that 鈥 with the constant anxiety of not knowing when he wouldn’t be able to draw a breath.

Not long ago, a “welcome” packet came in the mail about the other nebulizer treatment 鈥 25 days after it had been prescribed.

Admittedly, my husband’s health was not great. He did have COPD, but we still went out to eat once in a while, and he didn’t have to take his oxygen on those trips. He rarely used it just walking around the house.

He did make a serious suicide attempt six years ago (our daughter and granddaughter had died), but after seeing what it did to me and our son, he promised he’d never do it again. It was only when these exacerbation/flare-up events started this year that he indicated life was getting bad.

Perhaps, just perhaps, if he had received both medications in a timely manner, he would be here today, and we would have had many more years together. We met when we were 16 and had been together ever since. He was 78 when he died.

鈥 Cindy Clements Blewett; Kyle, Texas


Navigating GLP-1 Coverage

Sydney Lupkin’s thoughtful article about the obstacles in obtaining weight loss drugs was interesting (Healthcare Helpline:Trouble Getting Weight Loss Drugs Covered by Insurance? Here’s What To Know,” June 26). It would have been more helpful had it included a discussion of Medicare’s decision to cover these drugs as of July 1, 2026, and how to navigate the rocky shores of obtaining a prescription that won’t be denied.

鈥 Sharie Hartman; Manteca, California


Beyond the Veil of Pregnancy Centers

I would like to address the article about a pregnancy resource center providing prenatal care in Sandpoint, Idaho (“Religious Anti-Abortion Center Finds Opportunity in Town Without OB-GYNs,” May 20). It is unfortunate that many still do not understand what pregnancy resource centers do, nor the high-quality care they provide. While there are some “crisis pregnancy centers” that provide limited offerings, most centers are aligned with a national organization like the National Institute of Family and Life Advocates, the Heartbeat Pregnancy Center, or Care Net. All these organizations require centers to have a medical director (a licensed healthcare practitioner) and require that the nurses who perform the ultrasounds have appropriate training. While I am not affiliated with 7B Care Clinic, I am concerned that the article may not have accurately reflected what is provided in such clinics. I offer my experiences to bring further clarity.

I work at a life-affirming women’s clinic. I am a board-certified family physician. I have delivered approximately 1,000 babies in my career. I have been performing ultrasounds for my patients for over a decade, and fought for this ability under the scrutiny of maternal-fetal medicine specialists, spending time alongside their registered diagnostic medical sonographer technicians, and having my scans reviewed by maternal-fetal medicine physicians. I have practiced medicine in three states over three decades.

Second, while I am life-affirming, I am not “anti-abortion.” I happen to believe that there are better choices, and I know that some women will still choose abortion, even after hearing all their options. I will gladly see those women for follow-up to answer questions and evaluate for complications 鈥 something that the abortion clinics in my area apparently will not do. I say this because that is what the women I see tell me. The clinic that performed the procedure or gave them the pills will not see a patient after the abortion for any follow-up. I have always willingly seen patients for any reason, whether I was working at a private clinic or hospital-owned clinic. That is no different now that I work for a life-affirming women’s clinic.

We provide a variety of services 鈥 free of charge. We are also stepping up to provide prenatal care up to 20 weeks because there is a shortage of obstetrical clinicians in our county. We encourage women to see a clinic where they can be followed throughout the entire pregnancy, if possible, and we are in no way marketing ourselves as competition. We are stepping in to fill the large gap that exists.

Just because the clinic in Sandpoint chooses to respect life does not make it a fake clinic. This clinic seeks to bring in physicians to provide prenatal care. They are bringing in OB-GYNs from Washington state, which has no restrictions on abortion. With this information taken into consideration, I ask you to reconsider any concerns about a clinic bringing board-certified OB-GYNs into an area where there is a shortage.

鈥 James Heid, Vancouver, Washington


The Root of All Good

The article Claudia Boyd-Barrett wrote about how immigrant parents’ arrests are creating a mental health crisis for children was moving and brought awareness to the mental health challenges faced by them (Growing Up Scared: “Arrests of Immigrant Parents Create Mental Health Crisis for Children,” June 18). It was important to note how every story was different but focused on how much children missed and yearned for their parents to come back home. You also wrote about how it affected them by not having a parental figure in the home. That really touched me. Specifically, Jacob’s story and when he listed all the things he missed about his mom but especially being close to her.

I am currently a master’s student in social work working to become a better ally to the Hispanic immigrant community. I’ve seen how being afraid and sad over the immigration policies has affected my friends in this community. Losing a close parent and not being able to have that security with them anymore is hard to go through, and trauma affects children as they grow.

In this article, you have recognized the worth of a person, which is a core principle in social work. These children are worthy and have the right to feel taken care of and secure.

I would love to see more mental health services accessible to immigrant communities and their families. This would benefit children as they learn to cope with their feelings and how to make sense of a new world.

鈥 Stacy Xiong, Athens, Georgia


Bagging a Bargain

Author Susan Jaffe mentioned GoodRx in the article “Thousands of Medicare Beneficiaries Thought Their Drug Plan Was Free. Then They Lost It” (July 7), but she failed to mention a much better discount drug site, Mark Cuban’s costplusdrugs.com, where a 90-day supply of 2.5 milligrams of rivaroxaban, a generic for Xarelto, is available for under $50. This could help the thousands of people who lost coverage through unpaid premiums from Wellcare Value Script obtain their medications. The problem of yearly increasing penalties for losing Part D coverage is something that has to be addressed by the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services.

Thanks to 吃瓜不打烊 for the relevant coverage.

鈥 Jackie Button; Miami


Fleshing Out the Details

Your report identifying alpha-gal syndrome as a red meat allergy is accurate in that respect but inadequate in its breadth (“Would Hunters Take a Lyme Disease Vaccine? We Asked,” June 30). Alpha-gal is an allergic reaction to virtually all mammalian products. If you explore that, you’ll find an interesting story, as mammalian products are everywhere, including in pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, and other non-meat products. Alpha-gal is growing rapidly, and too many people, including doctors, do not realize that AGS is far worse than just a red meat allergy.

I suggest you help build understanding of the threat by describing the allergy in the future as an allergy to mammalian products. If you do not think your audience will understand that term, perhaps you can explain that it includes pork and anything derived from animals with hooves. As a former and now retired reporter, I encourage you to cover this allergy because its implications are surprising and scary.

鈥 John Varner, Surry, Virginia

吃瓜不打烊 is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 吃瓜不打烊 and is republished here under a .

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A New Option for Long-Term Care Costs /syndicate/long-term-care-costs-washington-state-payroll-option/ Fri, 10 Jul 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2251025 Kelly Haggett figures that a mandatory surcharge added to Washington state’s payroll tax cost her about $500 last year. But she doesn’t really mind.

“On a scale of 1 to 10 of my annoyance with taxes in general, this one is about a 2,” she said. “I see the benefits.”

The small surcharge on wages provides the funding for Washington Cares, the nation’s . It was set to begin distributing benefits July 1.

If Haggett, 67, a systems administrator who lives in Auburn, Washington, needs help with daily activities as she ages 鈥 bathing, dressing, grocery shopping, managing medications 鈥 she’ll be able to use the benefit she has accrued through WA Cares, as the program is known.

About 3.7 million workers participated last year, paying an additional 0.58% in payroll taxes. Those who contribute for 10 years will qualify for a lifetime benefit of $36,500. The amount will rise with inflation: A 36-year-old now earning about $50,000 a year who contributes $291 a year for a decade will have if she needs assistance at age 75.

Both the WA Cares mandatory premiums and eventual benefits are modest. But for older adults and people with disabilities, they can help pay for a variety of services: home care, transportation, adult day programs, home modifications like ramps and grab bars, compensation for family members who assist them, or assisted living facilities and nursing homes.

Haggett had looked into private long-term care insurance to cover those needs, but she balked. “It’s crazy expensive,” she said. And since premiums can rise, and frequently have, “you’re basically saying, I’ll pay whatever, whenever.”

Haggett knows that WA Cares can’t cover all her long-term care costs. In fact, because she was already in her 60s when payroll deductions began in 2023, and because she is planning to retire in two years, she’ll receive only half the lifetime benefit.

But “if I required care and it would protect my wife from having to spend our savings, $18,250 is not meaningless,” she said.

Washington has been working toward implementing WA Cares for a decade; the program has survived two statewide votes aimed at overturning or weakening it. Now, other states will be paying attention.

鈥楳ost People Have Nothing’

An estimated 70% of Americans will need long-term care at some point in their lives, but “they haven’t planned for it or saved for it,” said Cathleen MacCaul, advocacy director for AARP Washington State, which supported the legislation that created WA Cares.

“People are under the misconception that Medicare will pay for this,” MacCaul said. In fact, while Medicare pays for healthcare, it rarely covers long-term care, either at home or in facilities.

Medicaid does cover long-term care, but it involves such strict limits on income and assets that “most middle-class people are left out, or they have to impoverish themselves” by spending nearly all their assets to qualify, said Richard Frank, director of the Center on Health Policy at the Brookings Institution. Those who are eligible often face lengthy waiting lists for care at home.

“Long-term care is the largest area of unprotected health risk in the United States,” Frank said. “Most people have nothing.”

Previous efforts to establish public long-term care protections have foundered. In 2010, the Affordable Care Act included , a legacy of Sen. Ted Kennedy that would have created a voluntary long-term care insurance program. The Obama administration eventually deemed it unworkable, and “it never saw the light of day,” Frank said.

The private market has also contracted. Most of the largest companies selling long-term care insurance 鈥 Genworth, John Hancock, MetLife 鈥 have exited the market. The return on their investments plummeted when interest rates fell after the Great Recession, and the number of insured people who abandoned their policies 鈥 a profitable development for insurers 鈥 was far below projections.

“The psychology of the industry was: Holy smokes, we’re losing money! We’re getting out,” said Claude Thau, who directs the annual Milliman Long-Term Care Insurance Survey. As the losses mounted and premiums spiked, consumers such as Haggett stopped buying policies. Moreover, Thau estimated, 1 in 6 applicants are unable to get coverage for health reasons.

Thus, fewer than 35,000 Americans bought stand-alone policies in 2024, compared with about 235,000 in 2010, according to a , a trade association. The average 60-year-old purchaser would, at age 80, receive a projected maximum benefit of $369 a day, Milliman reported. But the average annual premium on new stand-alone policies in 2024 鈥 $3,265 鈥 can seem daunting to someone close to retirement.

As the purchase of stand-alone policies has dropped, insurance companies have turned to policies bundling some long-term care benefits with life insurance or annuities. Those sales figures are climbing. Still, the association notes, only 3% of Americans age 50 or older have any long-term care insurance.

鈥楢 Five-Alarm Fire’

That has prompted a recent spate of proposals to find public ways to protect Americans from ruinous costs that can continue for years. “This is a five-alarm fire,” said sent in May by U.S. Sen. Ron Wyden of Oregon and 16 fellow Senate Democrats to their colleagues.

The letter, more a statement of purpose than a specific legislative plan, proposed a “home care guarantee” for Medicare beneficiaries, among other efforts. Proponents expect to issue a more detailed report in the fall and to introduce a bill early next year.

A also proposed providing subsidized long-term care at home through Medicare, with beneficiaries making contributions according to their ability to pay. Like most of these programs, it would kick in when people need help with activities related to daily living or require supervision because of cognitive decline. The authors estimate that 8.2 million Americans will be eligible, far more than those who qualify for home-based care under Medicaid.

In the House, Rep. Tom Suozzi, a Democrat from New York, and Rep. John Moolenaar, a Republican from Michigan, have to create a catastrophic-insurance program for older people with disabilities. It would require them to pay for care out-of-pocket or with private insurance for the first several years before they would receive a monthly federal benefit.

Enacting federal initiatives in the current political climate seems unlikely, proponents acknowledge. The Trump administration’s plan to cut billions of dollars from Medicaid “has moved the needle backward on the accessibility of long-term care,” said Taylor Harvey, a spokesperson for the Senate Finance Committee.

So “are looking at what Washington is doing with a lot of interest,” said Norma Coe, who is an economist at the University of Pennsylvania and is tracking long-term care programs. Legislators have introduced bills in Illinois, Hawai鈥榠, and West Virginia; other states have task forces studying the issue.

“Long-term care is one of those conversations around every dinner table,” said Bea Rector, assistant secretary for the Department of Social and Health Services’ Home and Community Living Administration.

“Families step in,” she explained. Sometimes they can continue providing care, “but sometimes more formal care has to be put in place. That’s when people see the value of programs like this.”

Steven Russakoff knows the challenges of elder care, having provided years of support for his father, who died two years ago, and for his mother, who is now living in a nursing facility. “It’s brutal, it’s exhausting, and it’s extraordinarily expensive,” he said. The family has liquidated virtually all his parents’ assets to pay for their care.

Russakoff, who is 56 and lives in Shoreline, Washington, initially disliked WA Cares. He could handle the additional deductions (about $250 a year) from his paycheck as a director of university dining services, but he felt forced into a program he couldn’t use if he left the state to retire.

But WA Cares has already been amended several times and for many participants who move away, making him a convert. “It’s a good idea,” Russakoff concluded. “A necessary evil.”

吃瓜不打烊 is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 吃瓜不打烊 and is republished here under a .

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They Harvest the Nation鈥檚 Food, but a New Rule May Strip Them of Health Insurance /insurance/agricultural-workers-medicaid-eligibility-immigration-food-harvest/ Fri, 10 Jul 2026 09:00:00 +0000 /?p=2257673 Seasonal work. Inconsistent hours. Frequent moves. Cash payments and informal jobs. For farmworkers who rely on Medicaid, these common employment patterns could put their health coverage at risk.

It’s a heightened concern for the estimated who are U.S. citizens or legal permanent residents, as new work requirements kick in for the federal-state healthcare program that serves low-income and disabled Americans.

Starting next year in most states, many adults enrolled in Medicaid will have to prove they work, are enrolled in college or vocational courses, volunteer, or do unpaid work for at least .

Advocates say this could pose a significant challenge to Medicaid-eligible farmworkers, who frequently work more than 80 hours a month during harvest season but less in other months. What’s more, outside the harvest season, many workers take on informal jobs in construction, landscaping, or home repair for which they don’t receive formal paychecks that would prove their continuing Medicaid eligibility. Still, they can establish eligibility if they prove their average monthly income over six months is equivalent to at least 80 hours of work at the federal minimum wage.

“Having a work requirement 鈥 having to create more paperwork and more proof 鈥 is certainly extremely challenging for farmworkers and others who are low-income and who may especially have seasonal jobs, not year-round, and do have periods” when there is no work available, said Alexis Guild, vice president of strategy and programs at .

New Requirements, Additional Hurdles

Agriculture is a , and Americans to put food on their tables. Nearly 60% of those workers are U.S. citizens or green-card holders, according to the . The remaining 40% lack legal status or are otherwise ineligible for Medicaid.

Even among farmworkers with citizenship or legal status, the uninsured rate is three times that of the general population, and most farmworkers with insurance are Medicaid beneficiaries, although participation rates vary by state. According to a , 71%-79% of eligible farmworker households report participation in Medicaid.

The new Medicaid work requirements were a key provision of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act signed last July by President Donald Trump. Under the federal law, and the District of Columbia must implement the requirements by Jan. 1. A few states have the work rule early.

The 80-hour rule applies in states that expanded Medicaid, a process that began in 2014 and was tied to the Affordable Care Act. Following the initial expansions, agricultural workers with legal documentation became to have health insurance, according to a 2021 article in the American Journal of Agricultural Economics.

Immigration Anxieties

The work requirements are the latest in a long list of obstacles placed between workers and the healthcare they’re legally entitled to, Guild said. “Medicaid certainly helps because it alleviates the cost issue,” she said. “But there are still other barriers, such as transportation, taking sick leave, and finding time to visit a health center. All these factors can prevent them from actually receiving medical care.”

For farmworkers with green cards and naturalized U.S. citizens, there is another source of stress: the fear that signing up for Medicaid could put personal information in the hands of immigration authorities.

That’s what worries Luis, a 45-year-old green-card holder and Medicaid recipient who dreams of becoming a U.S. citizen. Luis 鈥 who asked to be identified by only his middle name 鈥 lives with his wife and daughter in North Carolina, where he has worked in agriculture for nearly a decade.

Speaking in Spanish, he said that when he learned about the work requirements, he knew it would be challenging for him to prove that he works 80 hours a month. “I only work on farms for six or seven months; the rest of the year I work in whatever I can find,” he said.

Republicans in Congress argue that work requirements will reduce federal healthcare spending, encourage nondisabled adults to , and preserve safety net resources for the most vulnerable populations.

Among Hispanic adults enrolled in Medicaid, 67% are already working, according to a 2025 .

The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services did not respond to requests for comment for this article. But in June, when its “nationwide framework” to implement the Medicaid work requirements, Administrator Mehmet Oz said it would help beneficiaries “build skills and independence through work, education, job training, or community service, creating new opportunities for themselves and their families.” Federal officials say the new requirements “could reduce poverty by as much as 2.9 million people.”

Chronic Illness

Agricultural work is one of the nation’s , and it is associated with and , including respiratory conditions. A found that 37% of male farmworkers and 47% of female farmworkers in the state had at least one chronic health condition. The new work requirements present one more barrier for those seeking care, advocates said.

“People skip checkups and screenings, and conditions that could be caught early and treated cost-effectively” aren’t, said Adriana Cadena, executive director of .

Emergency rooms often become the “natural” place to go for healthcare, Cadena added. “This drives up waiting times and costs for all of us. 鈥 And when people are sick enough that they miss work, it starts a vicious cycle of lost productivity and family economic instability that again threatens all of us.”

A Loss for Families and Children

The new federal rules also require beneficiaries to verify their eligibility at least twice a year, twice as often as previously, creating another potential obstacle.

“Letters can easily be missed, and forms may go unfilled. If people get caught up in the paperwork, they could lose coverage,” said , an assistant vice president at , a nonprofit that promotes an equitable healthcare system.

For farmworkers who travel from state to state, the process can be especially difficult.

“You have to find the time to transfer your coverage and probably find a person or organization that can help you 鈥 and that can be really hard when you’re constantly moving,” Cadena said.

The situation highlights the difficulties of navigating a complex system for individuals and families already struggling to make ends meet.

“The result,” Cadena said, “could be the loss of coverage not only for workers, but also for their families and children.”

吃瓜不打烊 is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF鈥攁n independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about .

This article first appeared on 吃瓜不打烊 and is republished here under a .

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