The independent source for health policy research, polling, and news.
Michelle Andrews is a contributing writer and former columnist for ³Ō¹Ļ²»“ņģČ. She has been writing about health care for more than 15 years. Her work has appeared frequently in The New York Times, where she wrote the Money and Medicine column and contributed regular news and features. Her work has also been published in Money, Fortune Small Business, National Geographic and Womenās Health magazines, among others. Michelle previously worked as a senior writer at U.S. News & World Report and at SmartMoney magazines. She has a bachelorās degree from the University of Wisconsin and a masterās in journalism from Columbia University.
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In late December, then-President Donald Trump signed a law that eliminates ā only for people with Lou Gehrigās disease ā the required five-month waiting period before benefits begin under the Social Security Disability Insurance program. Gaining SSDI also gives these patients immediate Medicare health coverage.
Most private insurance will be required to cover drugs, like Truvada, that offer protection against HIV infection, without making plan members share the cost.
Instead of taking on the expense of traditional health plans, some small businesses are setting up an āindividual coverage health reimbursement arrangementā that allows them to give workers money to put toward comprehensive coverage on the individual insurance market. But consumer advocates are concerned they may shortchange some workers.
Millions of people are looking for coverage on the federal and state marketplaces right now. Sometimes itās hard to tell the difference between a comprehensive plan and a ājunkā plan with limited benefits and coverage restrictions.
Some consumers who received tax credits to purchase insurance from Affordable Care Act marketplaces report theyāve received letters in error from the government saying they didnāt file the IRS forms to account for how much money they made and how much funding they received from the government.
Many workers are resisting what they feel are unsafe, unhealthy conditions as companies restart. A few states have passed laws specifically aimed at protecting workers who face COVID-related safety risks and retaliation for speaking up, but advocates say stronger federal protections are needed.
Many actors, directors, backstage workers and others in the entertainment industry are often eligible for health coverage through their unions, a model that some experts promote for other gig workers. But coverage is determined by past employment, and many of these professionals arenāt working because of the coronavirus.
As people leave COVID-stricken cities to settle semi-permanently in vacation communities, locals assess how these new residents are changing demands on medical services.
A robust sign-up for flu shots could help head off a nightmare scenario in the coming winter of hospitals stuffed with both COVID-19 patients and those suffering from severe effects of influenza. Plus, no one knows how flu and COVID might interact if a patient got both.
New Yorkās governor directed nursing homes to take COVID patients. But is it fair to say he āforcedā them to do so, or that his directive led to the deaths of thousands of elderly residents? Most public health experts say no.
āLost on the Frontlineā is an ongoing project by Kaiser Health News and The Guardian that aims to document the lives of health care workers in the U.S. who died from COVID 19, and to investigate why so many are victims of the disease.
Health plan network changes occur all the time as doctors retire, relocate or leave networks. Unfortunately, patients may be the last to find out about such changes because there are often few requirements that either providers or insurers inform them.
Under the federal COBRA law, people who lose health coverage because of a layoff or a reduction in their hours generally have 60 days to decide whether to pay to maintain that coverage. But under new regulations, the clock wonāt start ticking until the government says the coronavirus national emergency is over, and then consumers will have 120 days to act.
A rule finalized this spring by the Trump administration permits employers and insurers not to apply drug company copayment assistance toward enrolleesā deductibles and out-of-pocket maximums for any drug.
Jane Collins and Anthony Blow were stunned to learn last fall that their state tax refund was being reduced by $110 because the Charlottesville medical center said they owed money for care their son received in 2001 and 2002.
After some protests over the death of George Floyd resulted in violence, online discussions raised concerns that health plans might deny medical coverage. Although plans do sometimes make exclusions for āillegal actsā or riots, experts say concerns by people who are protesting Floydās death may be overstated.
Last month, the Internal Revenue Service announced it would let employees add, drop or change some of their benefits for the remainder of 2020. The catch: Your employer has to allow the changes. KHN explains how it could work.
Early in the outbreak, some coroners and medical examiners didnāt have enough tests to use for people who died unexpectedly at home to see whether the coronavirus was a factor. Now, as testing gradually becomes widely available, more such mysteries could be solved.
The proposal being weighed by federal officials would allow employers and insurers to decide that drug companiesā assistance doesnāt count toward their membersā deductible or out-of-pocket maximum spending limits. If plans opted for that approach, only payments made by patients themselves would be included in the calculation toward reaching those limits.
New York City and hospital officials recommend testing only the sickest people and encouraging others to stay home to get well. But other officials say wider tests are needed to ensure that essential workers donāt spread the disease.
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